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Pitjantjatjara people and their neighbours of the Western Desert
Pitjantjatjara
people and their neighbours inhabited (and inhabit) a very arid environment
of sandy, montane and shield desert, tussock grassland
and scrub, with very low and variable rainfall. Their country lies in the
eastern Western Desert, where the borders of South Australia, Western Australia
and the Northern Territory meet. The very low population density ranged
around 1 person per 80 to 200 km2 according to estimates. People
had access to the resources of the southern fringe of the "Aboriginal
grain belt", in which grass seed, other seeds and fruits, as well
as small game were available, especially reptiles and small mammals; larger
mammals and birds were rather rare. Portable, multi-functional implements
characterised the technology, and seed-grinding implements were a feature.
Except for temporary brush hides, no large facilities were used.
Settlement
and mobility were rather a-seasonal, although ethnographers have reconstructed
certain tendencies. Smaller, more mobile groups formed
after summer rains. Depending on winter rains people formed larger groups
for ceremonies around larger waters, or split up into smaller, more mobile
groups. As temperatures rose people aggregated on permanent waters, and
mobility was minimal.
Pitjantjatjara and their neighbours identified primarily according to intersecting
isoglossic language identities (e.g. pitja – come/go), loosely related
to large tracts of country, proportionate to population density. Other
modes of identity included the generation moieties, recently introduced
section systems, and personal totem according to place of conception or
birth.
The ancestral
cosmology emphasised long ancestral journeys connecting any one place with many
others. Many ancestors were associated with increase
sites and rites, and other rituals such as male initiation and erotic rituals.
As well as sorcery and magic performed by ngankari sorcerer/healers, people
across the region cooperated in a system of local increase rites, performed
regularly to ensure the reproduction of food species and the onset of rains.
Western Desert governance included regional cooperation in rituals, especially
male initiation, that instantiated ancestral law, and related to ancestral
journeys that linked many groups in a network of cross-cutting links. Initiation
rites in this region included a number of ordeals for male initiates including
circumcision and subincision. The institution of kurdaitji included secret
killings in retaliation for breaches of religious secrecy, as well as an
explanation for untoward events. Relations of authority had a marked generational
structure, as a senior generation not only had authority over juniors,
but "looked after" them. The ethnography of the region stresses
the achievement of personal autonomy by moving through the generational
structure of authority, and the separation of the genders. Women enjoyed
a considerable degree of autonomy, expressed in secret women's rituals.
An "Aluridja" kin terminology, in which distant cross-cousins
were distinguished from siblings, marked Western Desert kinship. The
bestowal of infant girls had links with circumcision initiation,
as a boy's circumciser became his future wife's father. Some exchange by
men of sisters and daughters is reported and polygyny was generally low,
with few man marrying more than two wives. A kin network with the form
of a "shifting web" resulted from distant cross-cousin
marriage, but with some sister and daughter exchange linking kin groups.
No consistent
picture of Western Desert land tenure emerges from the ethnography, but it seems
that clusters of sites were held on the basis of multiple
links, including place of birth, conception, initiation and knowledge,
father's country and mother's county (through various ties). The more connections
a person had the stronger their claim. A link to one's own country through
ancestral tracks conferred rights in more distant countries.
Within a strongly gendered division of labour, women made and used their
own implements, but men and women performed some similar activities such
as hunting small reptiles and winnowing Triodia grass. The range of teams
and mode of cooperation were similar to those of Kûnai people except
that mixed gender teams go unreported. Residence groups tended to have
been smaller on average (about 14) than among coast peoples, with larger
temporary aggregations of up to 300. Residence groups drew on a range of
cognatic and affinal links including bride-service; and consisted of family
camps and bachelor camps, and single women's camps in the larger residence
groups.
Women distributed their product to residents of their own camp (or hearth-group)
as well as to certain other close relatives. The customary division
of large game by men is intricately described for this region. In contrast
with Kûnai men, a husband had a primary duty to provide food
to his wife's parents and not his own. As elsewhere, men and probably
women consumed
part of their product before returning to camp. Consumption restrictions
reserved certain foods for older men, while these and others were
forbidden to children.
Exchange occurred in everyday relations, when
residence groups met,
and at large ceremonies. Items in wider networks of exchange included
weapons,
items of apparel, ochres, pearl shell from the northwest, stone for
artefacts, native tobacco from the north, wombat fur from the south,
and sacred
objects. Specialists exchanged their services for goods, and of course
marriage
took the form of an exchange.
Pitjantjatjara
and their neighbours formed part of an extensive and continuous web of relations
across the Western Desert. People to the margins of the
region accommodated to the institutions of their neighbours further out,
leading to some differentiation among Western Desert peoples. Pintubi for
example modified their kin terminology towards the Warlpiri model. Institutions
were undergoing a process of change at the threshold of colonisation, for
example in the diffusion of section systems into the region.
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